Nigeria’s Gender Bill Seeks To Break Decades Of Political Exclusion

By IFEOMA IZUCHUKWU

FOR decades, Nigerian women have been on the margins of governance despite forming nearly half of the country’s population and over 43 per cent of registered voters. Their voices remain underrepresented in legislative chambers at both federal and state levels, where decisions that shape the nation’s future are made. A new constitutional amendment bill—popularly called the Gender Bill—is now rekindling hopes for meaningful reform.

The bill, sponsored by Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, and 12 other lawmakers, is formally titled: A bill for an act to alter the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, to provide for seat reservation for women in the National and State Houses of Assembly; and for related matters.

If passed, it would amend key constitutional provisions to establish reserved seats for women at every level of legislative governance—Senate, House of Representatives, and state assemblies. This would not replace existing structures; rather, it would expand them, guaranteeing women additional representation through dedicated “special constituencies.”

What the Bill Proposes

• Senate: Each of Nigeria’s 36 states plus the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) would have an extra senatorial seat reserved exclusively for women. This would raise the number of senators from 109 to 146, with at least 37 women guaranteed places.

• House of Representatives: Each state and the FCT would gain one additional women’s seat, bringing the total membership to 397 and ensuring at least 37 more women in the chamber.

• State Assemblies: Each senatorial district would provide a reserved seat for women, embedding gender representation in the tier of government closest to citizens.

The bill allows women to still contest regular constituency seats, ensuring that reserved positions act as a floor—not a ceiling—for women’s political participation.

A Temporary Corrective Measure

One striking feature of the bill is its 16-year lifespan clause. The special seats will exist for four election cycles before being reviewed by parliament. Proponents argue this safeguard positions the bill as a transitional mechanism designed to break systemic barriers—such as cultural biases, entrenched political gatekeeping, and financial obstacles—that have long sidelined women.

By the time of review, the expectation is that structural obstacles would have eased, allowing women to compete more equitably without the need for special intervention.

Why It Matters

The gender gap in Nigeria’s legislature is staggering. Historical data shows women’s representation has rarely exceeded seven per cent in the National Assembly. In fact, the 10th Assembly (2023–2027) currently has just 18 women across both chambers—barely 3.8 per cent of lawmakers.

At the state level, the situation is no better. After the 2023 elections, only 48 women were elected across 21 of 36 state assemblies. In 13 states—including Kano, Borno, Jigawa, and Katsina—not a single woman holds a legislative seat.

These figures fall well below international benchmarks. The Beijing Platform for Action (1995) set a 30 per cent target for women’s representation, while the UN recommends a minimum of 35 per cent affirmative action. Rwanda, by contrast, leads the world with women holding 61 per cent of parliamentary seats, while Senegal and South Africa have surpassed 40 per cent.

If enacted, Nigeria’s Gender Bill would raise female representation at the federal level to around 20 per cent—a historic leap, even if still below international standards.

Innovation Through “Special Constituencies”

Perhaps the most groundbreaking feature of the bill is the creation of special constituencies exclusively for women. This ensures legitimacy, since candidates would still emerge through competitive elections, but in a space shielded from entrenched biases that often disadvantage women in mainstream contests.

Unlike executive appointments, which can be tokenistic, these legislative seats embed women’s inclusion directly into Nigeria’s democratic architecture.

A History of Missed Opportunities

This is not Nigeria’s first attempt at gender reform. In 2022, the National Assembly rejected five gender-related bills, including proposals for reserved seats and affirmative action in appointments. The decision triggered nationwide protests, with women’s groups barricading parliament in anger. Though lawmakers promised reconsideration, the bills never returned to the floor.

The new Gender Bill, however, appears more promising. With Deputy Speaker Kalu spearheading it as part of the ongoing constitutional review process, it enjoys stronger political momentum. The Speaker of the House, Abbas Tajudeen, and Senate President Godswill Akpabio have both spoken in support of gender-inclusive reforms.

Advocates React

Women’s rights groups and civic advocates have welcomed the proposal but remain cautious. Ololade Ajayi of Document Our History (DOHS Cares) praised it as “a welcome development” but warned that Nigeria’s entrenched political culture could frustrate implementation.

“This is not just about fairness,” noted Osasu Ogwuche of TOS Foundation. “This is about sovereignty. We’re not giving women something extra; we’re restoring balance to our democracy.”

The Road Ahead

If passed, the bill would represent the most transformative constitutional reform for women since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999. It would also signal that the country is ready to confront one of its deepest contradictions: that half its population remains nearly invisible in the rooms where national laws are made.

But if rejected, it risks reinforcing Nigeria’s reputation as a democracy unwilling to dismantle structural exclusion. Either outcome will shape the future of gender equity in Africa’s largest democracy for decades to come.